Israël et la Russie ajoutés à la liste de l’ONU sur les violences sexuelles dans les conflits, l’Etat hébreu suspend ses relations avec le secrétaire général des Nations unies
En août 2025, le rapport annuel avait prévenu qu’Israël pourrait être ajouté à la liste des parties suspectées ou responsables de violences sexuelles en situation de guerre, sur laquelle figure déjà le Hamas.

Concernant Israël, « en 2025, les caractéristiques de violences sexuelles contre les Palestiniens détenus en Israël et dans les territoires palestiniens occupés ont continué à être enregistrées », fait savoir le rapport, qui note que les cas vérifiés par l’ONU sont indicatifs des tendances sur plusieurs années, mais pas « exhaustifs », compte tenu du refus d’accès aux centres de détention israéliens.

Selon l'acte d'accusation, les soldats ont "agi contre le détenu avec une grande violence". Ces brutalités "ont causé de graves blessures physiques au détenu, notamment des côtes fracturées, un poumon perforé et une déchirure rectale interne"

 The blacklisting came in a report by Guterres to the UN Security Council, which said the UN had verified multiple cases of conflict-related sexual violence, “including as a form of torture” against 31 Palestinians from the occupied West Bank and Gaza between 2023 and 2025.
 
The alleged violations included “rape, including with objects, gang rape, attempted rape, physical violence to the genitals, instances of targeted shooting of the genitals, touching of breasts and genitals, strip and cavity searches conducted without apparent security justification, forced nudity and threats of rape”, the report published on Friday said.
 
The report added the “perpetrators” included the Israel Defense Forces, Israel Prison Service, including the Keter special forces, and the Police Counter-Terrorism Unit.

Jonathan was enthusiastic about serving after October 7th. Now he is ashamed

We met in the Tel Aviv offices of Breaking the Silence, an Israeli NGO. It was established in 2004 by former military officers to collect testimony about the Israeli occupation in the West Bank and Gaza from the soldiers who enforce it. To date Breaking the Silence have logged testimony from over 6,000 people. The organisation is widely denigrated inside Israel. Right-wing activists have tried to infiltrate it and it has been harassed with lawsuits. Its leaders are often denounced in the Israeli press as “traitors”.

“As an infantry soldier I learned the rules of engagement are the first and most basic thing I need to know,” Jonathan told me. “But in Gaza, unlike in the West Bank, we didn’t get any rules of engagement. We did have red lines and sector boundaries, but their purpose was so we would not shoot at other forces, to prevent friendly fire.” The word “civilian” was not mentioned. The soldiers worked on the presumption that anyone remaining in an area after evacuation notices and bombardment had been duly warned. (This is not a procedure recognised by international conflict law.)

In Gaza, all men of military age were deemed legitimate targets. “And military age is really open to interpretation,” said Jonathan. “It could be from 16 to 60 or even younger...Most of the people that my unit killed were not armed...We had cases when my unit killed a lot of people, and we didn’t check if they had uniforms or weapons.” They often couldn’t tell who they were fighting: figures scuttling through the rubble hundreds of metres away could be anyone. Someone on guard duty “sees someone, shoots him, kills him, and now there’s a dead person—we wouldn’t know what his story was or what he did.” Other testifiers talked about the “dog line”, an invisible boundary around a position. Any Palestinian who crossed it would be shot; dogs gathered along it to eat the corpses.

When infantry units were ordered to clear an area, dogs were sent ahead to sniff out IEDs (improvised explosive devices). In the first weeks of the war, so many dogs were shot or blown up that commanders began using captured Palestinians, pushing them into buildings ahead of IDF soldiers to pre-empt an ambush or getting them to open cupboards or lift up mattresses to trigger booby traps.

For decades the IDF made use of the “neighbour procedure” when detaining suspected terrorists, forcing Palestinians, including children, to enter houses in front of them. In the Gaza war, special-forces units made captured Hamas fighters guide them to the tunnels where they had operated. By the summer of 2024 infantry officers were routinely press-ganging Palestinian civilians. The practice became so widespread that it had its own name: the mosquito protocol. Jonathan heard about other units using “mosquitoes”, and was not surprised when his own commander asked for one.

Jonathan told me he and other members of his unit didn’t think about the ethics of the practice much: they saw mosquitoes as an obvious solution to the lack of sniffer dogs.

“We had arguments inside my platoon, but it wasn’t a moral discussion about using human shields. It was about how to treat him: what and how much we should give him to eat, if we should beat him or not.” At night, the man was tied up in a corner next to the guard post in their billet. “Most people saw him as a terrorist. They hated him, they wanted to beat him.” Jonathan and a couple of others tried to convince the more extreme members of their platoon to allow the man “some degree of respect and dignity”.

When the use of human shields was first reported, based on testimony gathered by Breaking the Silence, the IDF initially denied such a protocol existed. Then a senior officer went on record admitting the practice had been discussed with commanders. In addition to the mosquitoes, the IDF have also used “wasps” (Palestinians brought from the West Bank and given IDF uniforms) and even a handful of “beavers” (Arabic-speaking Sudanese asylum-seekers who were offered residency permits in exchange for scouting tunnels). In March 2025 the IDF announced that it would investigate the use of human shields in Gaza. To date no charges on these grounds have been brought against any soldiers.

Jonathan’s unit was sent back to areas it had already cleared. The soldiers encountered fewer Hamas fighters than they had before. Their days became monotonous and the mood soured as the war dragged on. The tenet that there were “no innocents in Gaza” hardened. “Every person in the area was called ‘terrorist’,” Jonathan told me. On their radio communications, “dirty” was the lingo used to refer to Palestinians, as in “we see two dirties ahead.” Soldiers talked about going to Gaza to hunt.

Sometimes his unit came across a school or a clinic full of displaced Palestinian families. The soldiers held their fire, but, Jonathan said, “they were frustrated they were not allowed [to shoot] at these people. In the eyes of many Israelis and soldiers, every Palestinian in Gaza is a terrorist. If it’s a kid, he is probably a future terrorist. If it’s a woman, she’s probably the future mother of a future terrorist.” Jonathan was starting to feel differently, and was unable to confide in his comrades. He felt “pretty lonely with those feelings”.

EN DIRECT, guerre au Moyen-Orient : la France estime qu’Israël a commis une « faute majeure » en avançant sur le territoire libanais et demande une réunion d’urgence du Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU
 
Benyamin Nétanyahou a estimé dimanche que la prise de la forteresse de Beaufort au Liban est un « tournant décisif ».

« L’intérêt militaire de Beaufort tient à sa topographie » : c’est quoi ce château des Croisades, pris par Israël ?
 
Israël poursuit son offensive au sud Liban. Elle est parvenue, dimanche 31 mai 2026, à hisser son drapeau sur la forteresse de Beaufort, dont l’existence remonte au Royaume de Jérusalem des Croisés. Une prise à la fois stratégique et symbolique.

Une position israélienne pendant 18 ans
 
Au-delà de cet apport, la prise de ce château est également symbolique. Qalaat al-Chaqif - son nom arabe - n’a cessé d’être disputé, passant des mains des Croisés aux Sarrasins au XIIè siècle, puis aux Mamelouks au siècle suivant. Dans les années 1970, l’organisation de libération de la Palestine en fait l’une de ses principales bases. En 1982, lors de l’opération « Paix en Galilée », Israël bombarde massivement le site, avant de s’en emparer et de l’occuper pendant 18 ans.
 
« La prise du Beaufort et l’expansion de la manœuvre [terrestre] constituent un message clair à nos ennemis : quiconque menace les citoyens d’Israël perdra ses atouts stratégiques les uns après les autres », commente Israël Katz, dont les propos sont relayés par The Times of Israël . Le ministre ne manque pas de souligner que cette avancée coïncide avec la commémoration de la précédente bataille du Beaufort.

Israël Katz a prévenu que la campagne était loin d’être terminée. Jean-Noël Barrot, le ministre français des affaires étrangères, a réagit sur BFM TV, dimanche. Il a qualifié l’offensive israélienne de «faute majeure».

Reportage
 
Cernée par les colonies juives, la ville de Taybeh, en Cisjordanie, se vide de ses habitants chrétiens, dont l’accès à leurs terres agricoles, à leurs ressources et parfois à leurs habitations se restreint jour après jour. A Jérusalem, l’agression d’une religieuse témoigne d’une tension croissante.
 
« Jésus-Christ est venu se réfugier ici avant sa mort. Mais ce lieu n’a aujourd’hui plus rien d’un refuge, pas même pour ses propres habitants. » Curé de la paroisse latine de Taybeh, Bashar Fawadleh convoque sans ironie l’histoire biblique de la localité palestinienne – l’ancienne Ephraïm pour décrire le quotidien auquel est soumise la petite ville, située à 30 kilomètres au nord de Jérusalem : « Des attaques incessantes de colons juifs protégés par l’armée israélienne. »