Dans le film tourné à Gao, au Mali, où opèrent des soldats français déployés dans le cadre de l'opération Barkhane, la France est décrite comme un pays qui veut monopoliser les ressources du Wakanda dans la région malienne de Gao. Dans le film où les criminels qui font des ravages à Wakanda portent des camouflages similaires aux uniformes de l'armée française, des mercenaires français sont jugés au siège des Nations Unies (ONU) à Genève. Dans cette scène du procès, où est également représenté le ministre français des Affaires étrangères, des mercenaires en uniforme de l'armée française sont représentés agenouillés devant la reine du Wakanda. Dans le discours radio qui suit la scène, il est précisé que le gouvernement français est derrière les mercenaires.

Un an plus tard, en 2025, Ramonda, qui a repris le trône du Wakanda, se rend à l'Office des Nations unies à Genève pour dénoncer une attaque de soldats français contre une des bases avancées wakandaises à Ansongo, au Mali, pour s'approprier des ressources en vibranium. En effet, depuis que T'Challa a souhaité que le pays partage ses connaissances et technologies avec le reste du monde[Note 1], les États-Unis et la France, principalement, accusent le Wakanda de ne pas tenir ses engagements.

Here’s a fact-check.

What Was Said

“In 2000, they knew and were probably involved with the attack on the U.S.S. Cole.”

This lacks evidence. Al Qaeda claimed responsibility for the October 2000 attack on the U.S. destroyer Cole, and American intelligence agencies have concurred. There is no public evidence that Iran was directly responsible for the attack. But for years, U.S. courts have ordered Iran to pay tens of millions of dollars in damages to victims of the attack and their survivors, finding that Iran “facilitated” the attack by providing material and financial support to Al Qaeda.

The F.B.I., on its website detailing the history of the attack, notes that the agency “ultimately determined that members of the Al Qaeda terrorist network planned and carried out the bombing.” It makes no mention of Iran. Abd al-Rahim al-Nashiri, a citizen of Saudi Arabia, is accused of organizing the attack, and is currently awaiting trial at Guantánamo Bay.

A federal judge ruled in 2015 that Iran was complicit, noting that the country’s support for Al Qaeda made it capable of carrying out the attack on Cole and that one of the masterminds most likely traveled through Iran before and after the bombing. (The case was brought by the family of a sailor killed in the attack against Iran and Sudan; neither country responded to the lawsuit.)

In a similar civil case, a federal judge ruled in 2024 that Iran “facilitated the planning and execution of the attack on the Cole” through decades of material support to Al Qaeda.

What Was Said

“That is why, in Operation Midnight Hammer last June, we obliterated the regime’s nuclear program at Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan.”

This is exaggerated. The United States last June carried out airstrikes targeting Iran’s nuclear facilities, but government reports and other officials have not gone as far as Mr. Trump’s claims of total destruction.

The New York Times reported in the days after the attack that a preliminary assessment found that the strikes had sealed off the entrances to two of Iran’s facilities but had not collapsed their underground buildings.

John Ratcliffe, the C.I.A. director, said last June that Iran’s nuclear program had been “severely damaged” by the airstrikes. Rafael Grossi, the director general of the International Atomic Energy Agency, told CBS that same month that the strikes caused “severe damage, but it’s not total damage.” And a Pentagon spokesman echoed that language last August, telling reporters that the strikes had “severely degraded” Iran’s capability and set back the program by two years.

The administration, too, took a more muted approach in assessing the damage. In the National Security Strategy, published last November with an introduction by the president, officials stated that the June airstrikes “significantly degraded Iran’s nuclear program.”

What Was Said

“Instead, they attempted to rebuild their nuclear program and to continue developing long-range missiles that can now threaten our very good friends and allies in Europe, our troops stationed overseas and could soon reach the American homeland.”

This lacks evidence. Officials with access to U.S. intelligence told The New York Times this week that “Mr. Trump exaggerated the immediacy of the threat posed to the United States” by Iran’s missiles program. The suggestion that Iran was trying to build a nuclear bomb was also unsupported.

Mr. Trump is correct that the country’s current missile arsenal could reach parts of Europe and U.S. military bases in the Middle East, but experts and official reports doubt that Iran’s missiles could reach the United States. According to a 2025 report from the Defense Intelligence Agency, Iran did not have intercontinental ballistic missiles that could reach the United States, though it could develop 60 such weapons by 2035.

There is also little evidence that Iran is trying to build a bomb.

Mr. Grossi told a French news network this week that his agency had not seen evidence that Iran had plans to produce a nuclear weapon.

Officials also told The New York Times this week that Iran had not built new nuclear sites since the June attacks, though recent activity had been detected at existing sites. Nor was there evidence that Iran was trying to dig out its stash of enriched uranium.

“There is no imminent threat,” Daryl G. Kimball, the executive director of the Arms Control Association, wrote in a recent journal article. “Iran is not close to ‘weaponizing’ its nuclear material so as to justify another U.S. attack.”