DooMIII a écrit :
Je ne sais pas si c'est passé ici, tribune assez accablante -et documentée, cf. les liens dans l'article lui-même- du Guardian :
Emmanuel Macron was the great liberal hope for France and Europe. How did it all go so wrong? Thu 2 Jan 2025 11.00 CET (Oliver Haynes)
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The French president’s failures offer an object lesson in what happens when liberalism is stripped of its morality and values
When Emmanuel Macron was first elected in the spring of 2017, we were told that he was the future of liberal pluralism. [...]
Seven years later, and Macron’s “peaceful”, “democratic” “revolution” is in ruins, as the president struggles to navigate a political crisis of his own making. In June, he called legislative elections that were unnecessary, lost them, and refused to concede defeat. Over the summer, France went through the second-longest period without a government in its recent history. The resulting Michel Barnier-led government was only able to survive for as long as it did thanks to a compact with the far right, before it crumbled after a vote of no confidence held on 4 December.
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The balance sheet of Macronism explains his losing streak. When he took office, France’s deficit was 2.6% of GDP, in October 2024 it was at 6.2%. Who were the beneficiaries of such profligacy? They certainly aren’t public-school students and their stressed-out teachers having to work with the biggest classes in Europe. Nor are they the growing numbers of people living in “medical deserts”, where there is insufficient access to doctors or surgeons. The ultra-rich however, have done very well, with the top four fortunes in France increasing by 87% since 2020 according to Oxfam. Macronomics resembles Trussonomics in slow motion. It was a programme of unfunded tax cuts for the wealthy that the Macronists wrongly assumed would increase economic activity and therefore the tax take. According to Macron’s own economy guru, “this was not a bad strategy, but it didn’t work”.
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If his economic record undermines the narrative that Macron was the candidate of innovation and sound finances, his social and political record demonstrates that the Macron revolution was neither peaceful, nor particularly democratic, and it calls into question the labels of “liberal” and “centrist”, so often applied to the French president.
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On top of this, he has governed in an increasingly anti-democratic manner, pushing through wildly unpopular measures using article 49.3 of the constitution to pass laws without a parliamentary vote, and trying to shut the leftwing New Popular Front (NPF) alliance out of government, despite it winning the most seats in this summer’s legislative elections. The activist Ugo Palheta writes about the process of the fascistisation of French society as parts of the media, civil service and business elite are radicalised to the right.
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(ça ressemble beaucoup à la "droitisation par le haut" de Vincent Tiberj )
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Recently, Macron has been fighting to try to keep the Netflix hit Emily in Paris in France. It is a fittingly absurd quest. Emily in Paris, like the summer Olympics, is a fantasy image of the France that Macron wants to rule, and intended to create. But the archetypal subject of Macron’s France is not Emily, the denizen of a startup nation inhabited exclusively by the rich and sexy, but rather more like Vanessa Langard, a yellow vest protester I met recently. Langard had been a decorator, and had to take a second job to help pay for her grandmother’s care. Langard was shot in the face and blinded by a rubber bullet at a protest in December 2018. [...]
Vanessa’s life shows us the effects of Macronism in miniature. She was caught up in his crackdown on dissent and blinded by the increasingly militaristic weapons the state deploys against its citizens. Now 40, she is unable to work, and lives on the meagre benefits paid out to disabled people in France, one of hundreds of thousands pushed into precarity under Macron.
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It does not bode well for liberalism that its pro-EU poster boy has become like King Lear, blinded by narcissism and wilfully handing the kingdom to a destructive force he helped create. Macron offers an object lesson in the exhaustion of liberalism. When the form and appearance of liberalism remains, but its content and values are evacuated, what remains is a hollow, brittle thing. It becomes unable to improve the lives of anyone but the wealthy, unable to respond to inconvenient facts such as disappointing election results, unable to articulate even a moral critique of the far right which seeks to usurp it, and unable politically to stop its rise. Macronism has failed.
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